HOMER WAS NOT A PERSON: HE WAS A COLLEGE OF BARDS AND AN AGE, AND THE LITERATURE THEY PRODUCED


 

Imagine that the natural sciences were to suffer the effects of a catastrophe. A series of environmental disasters are blamed by the general public on the scientists. Widespread riots occur, laboratories are burnt down, physicists are lynched, books and instruments are destroyed. Finally a Know-Nothing political movement takes power and successfully abolishes science teaching in schools and universities, imprisoning and executing the remaining scientists. Later still there is a reaction against this destructive movement and enlightened people seek to revive science, although they have largely forgotten what it is. But all that they possess are fragments: a knowledge of experiments detached from any knowledge of the theoretical context which gave them significance; parts of theories unrelated either to the other bits and pieces of theory which they possess or to experiment; instruments whose use has been forgotten; half-chapters from books, single pages from articles, not always fully legible because torn and charred. Nonetheless all these fragments are embodied in a set of practices which go under the revived names of physics, chemistry, and biology. Adults argue with each other about the respective merits of relativity theory, evolutionary theory and phlogiston theory, although they possess only a very partial knowledge of each. Children learn by heart the surviving portions of the periodic table and recite as incantations some of the theorems of Euclid. Nobody, or almost nobody, realizes what they are doing is not natural science in a proper sense at all. For everything that they do and say conforms to certain canons of consistency and coherence and those contexts which would be needed to make sense of what they are doing have been lost, perhaps irretrievably.

This imaginary possible world is very like one that some some science fiction writers have constructed. We may describe it as a world in which the language of natural science, or parts of it at least, continues to be used but is in a grave state of disorder. We may notice that if in this imaginary world analytical philosophy were to flourish, it would never reveal the fact of this disorder. For the techniques of analytical philosophy are essentially descriptive and descriptive of the language of the present at that. The analytical philosopher would be able to elucidate the conceptual structures of what was taken to be scientific thinking and discourse in the imaginary world in precisely the way that he elucidates the conceptual structures of natural science as it is.

What is the point of constructing this imaginary world inhabited by fictitious pseudo-scientists and real, genuine philosophy? The hypothesis which I wish to advance is that in the actual world which we inhabit the language of morality is in the same state grave disorder as the language of natural science in the imaginary world which I described. What we possess, if this view is true, are the fragments of a conceptual scheme, parts of which now lack those contexts from which their significance derived. We possess indeed simulacra of morality, we continue to use many of the key expressions. But we have—vert largely, if not entirely— lost our comprehension, both theoretical and practical, of morality.

Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, A study in Moral Theory.
Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2nd. ed., 1984, p. 1.



Because the unit of scientific achievement is the solved problem and because the group knows well which problems have already been solved, few scientists will easily be persuaded to adopt a viewpoint that again opens to questions many problems that had previously been solved. Nature itself must first undermine professional security by making prior achievements seem problematic. Furthermore, even when that has occurred and a new candidate for a paradigm has been evoked, scientists will be reluctant to embrace it unless convinced that two all-important conditions are being met. First, the new candidate must seem to resolve some outstanding and generally recognized problem that can be met in no other way. Second, the new paradigm must promise to preserve a relatively large part of the concrete problem-solving ability that has accrued to science through it predecessors. Novelty for its own sake is not a desideratum in the sciences as it is in so many other creative fields. As a result, the new paradigms seldom or never possess all the capabilities of their predecessors, they usually preserve a great deal of the most concrete parts of past achievements and they always permit additional concrete problem-solving besides.

The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas S. Kuhn.
University of Chicago Press, 2nd. ed; 1970, p. 169.


The Iliad and the Odyssey sufferd a displacement from their dusky origins in a primary (original) context in time and place and historical circumstance, through the linguistic and cultural melange of the Dorian Invasions and Ionian Migrations of incipient Greek city-states, into a secondary (revised) context in time and place and historical circumstance of a unique Homeric "dialect" in which these epics are currently understood; furthermore, in their primary state, these epics were a single continuum, but became two epics in their secondary state and ascribed to the authorship of a certain Homer (albeit the chorizontes endorsed the notion of "separate" authorships).

It can be shown that the Homeric poems, as we now have them, were the product of an age and a culture that originally lay in a distant periphery of a general Hellenic (Mycenaean) scenario, and whose testimony about peoples and places is substantiated by archaeological and linguistic evidence; thus, removing these epics from their original context greatly diminishes an understanding of how they came to be and what they are about.


 

Three fundamental Homeric Questions which cannot be adequatelly addressed without contemplating a fundamental shift in paradigm, are as follow—

# 1. THE MISE EN SCÈNE
The sudden appearance in the nascent Greek culture c. 800 BC of two epics developed in the aftermath of the Dorian Invasions and Ionian Migrations that would become the bedrock foundation of Western Literature for the next 30+ centuries, simply does not seem to have a sound ring; and further compounding the conundrum of who or what "Homer" was—or simply the "authorship" of those epics that came to be called Iliad and Odyssey—are the antagonistic positions that, on the one hand, the Homeric epics evince the tell-tale markings of orality and an oral transmission, whereas, on the other, some city-states, such as Sparta, central to the narrative substance of both epics, did not come into historical existence until after the Dorian Invasions circa 900–1,000 BC, well after the various estimated dates for the Trojan War prior to 1,000 BC.

# 2. THE GEOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION
The accuracy or informative value of non-Trojan geographical data (that is, mainland Hellas, the Aegean islands and Asia Minor coast) is a moot issue, since, in the Iliad, the inhabitants of these regions are abroad, in Troy, and, in the Odyssey, Odysseus visits peoples and places in Never-Never Land; thus, questions concerning the accuracy or informative value of geographical data are, for the most part, about Troy and its environs, and in this regard this geographical information is about as useful (or relevant) as a romanticist's "lunography" of the hidden side of the moon is to modern space exploration.

# 3. THE LINGUISTICS
It is no novelty that certain words in both the Iliad and the Odyssey have a hazy meaning and that they are derived from older, now non-existent words of unknown meaning; these words, while they do not seriously hinder the general understanding of this or that particular line, are, nevertheless, a source of puzzlement; however, on a more cautious view of the matter, there are many place-names whose meaning is utterly unknown, for, while they may have some sort of meaning in Greek, it must be presumed that these names are derived from far older pre-Greek language-forms (perhaps with slight variants in orthography) whose original meaning can be nothing more than an educated guess.


CONCLUSION:

In sum: the subject-matter of the of the Homeric epics—in particular, the subject matter and its corresponding details—must have been developed in a non-Mykenaian Linear B language (in a distant periphery of a Hellenic scenario)*, and, if the line of inquiry is in the right direction, one might ponder whether the language was internal to the subject-matter (that is, "Trojan"), or independent of it. Thus, "Homer", rather than the "author" of the epics, might better be thought of as their "transcriber", from a hitherto unknown language into a sophisticated (if not exquisite) Ionian language of the day.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF HOMER: It is extremely laborious (if not altogether dangerous) to attempt an etymology of this or that Homeric geonym (ethnicon or toponym) from the Mykenaian Linear B, simply on two counts: first, the paucity of Linear B vocabulary, and, second, a doubt whether the great array of squiggles and glyphs which represent a Linear B language have been correctly identified phonemicly... for, on this wise, there seems to be disagreement among scholars. By contrast with these difficulties is the ease (and internal coherence) with which etymologies of Homeric geonyms may be adduced with a basis in a Slavic vocabulary.




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